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Hi my name is Mindy. I love music since i was a child. I used to compose musics for some special presentation, even though im not very good in it. I love playing keyboard and bass guitar.
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The British Northeast Frontier Policy and the Kukis-1
The Northeastern region of India, popularly know as the ‘seven sisters’, comprises of the state of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura. Recently Sikkim has been added as the eight state of the Northeast region due to its proximity to the area, a similar developmental problems and convenience in implementing developmental projects. The Chinese scholar and pilgrim Hiuen Tsang, who visited the plains of Assam in the first half of the seventh century described the region as covered with beautiful mountains, lush forests and wild life, and depicted a fairly advanced civilization and rich cultural heritage in his narratives.
Contrary to the mainland Indian perception of Northeast India as a culturally homogeneous region of mongoloid races, the region is diverse in almost every aspects; it is inhabited by a mosaic of societies characterised by diversity of ethnicity, language, culture, religion, social organisation, economic pursuits, productive relations and participation in political process. J.B Fuller wrote in 1909 that the province of Assam at the far northeastern corner of India is a ‘museum of nationalities’.
Academically, the Northeastern region is still regarded as part of Southeast Asia from the cultural point of view. Peter Kunstadter in his two volume work entitled Southeast Asian Tribes, Minorities and Nations included a chapter on Assam, which denotes the present day Northeast India. Kunstadter explain his inclusion of the region on the basis of the region’s large population of tribal and minority peoples whose languages are more closely related to the languages of Southeast Asia than to those of the Indian subcontinent and their cultures too resembling the cultures of their neighbours in Southeast Asia. Sir Robert Reid, Governor of Assam (1937-1942) also stated that ‘they (tribals of Northeast India) are not Indians in any sense of the word. Neither in origin nor in appearance, nor in habits, nor in outlook and it is by historical accident that they are tagged to Indian province.’ Therefore, the inclusion of the region into Indian Territory can be termed as a ‘series of historical accident’.
Most of the inhabitants consist of peoples who migrated from Southwest China or Southeast Asia via Burma at various point of history; they retain their cultural traditions and values but are beginning to adapt to contemporary lifestyles. One of the late migrants into the Northeastern region were the Kukis who are scattered all over the region in due course of time. The earlier Kuki migrants into the region were termed by the British scholars and administrators of Northeast India as ‘Old Kukis’ who migrated about a hundred years earlier than the later migrants, the ‘New Kukis’.
Even though there exist a great diversity, the people of the Northeastern region can be broadly divided into three distinct groups of people; the hill tribes, the plain tribes and the non-tribal population of the plains. Most of the hill tribes in Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura are Christian while a substantial proportion of those living in the plains of Assam, Manipur and Tripura are Hindus and Muslims. In spite of the modernisation and emergence of present day problems, the people still dearly cherish the essence of century’s old mutual ties and culture. The hill tribes can be grouped into four major groups: the Kuki-Chin-Mizos, Nagas, Khasi-Jintia-Garos and Arunachalis. The British rulers described these hill tribals of Northeast India as faithful and loyal subjects.
The Northeastern region of India has little or no contacts with the mainland India through out the annals of history. The different communities in the region maintain autonomy or independence not only from outside forces but also within themselves even though there was intimate relationship between the warring communities. The region was considered more as a part of Southeast Asia than the India subcontinent as the people interacted more with the people of this region and the culture and racial composition is more close to Southeast Asians. The British military success over Burma in 1826 and the annexation of the Ahom kingdom of Assam to the Presidency of Bengal marked the entry of the British East India Company to the region and the region’s inclusion into the Indian sub-continent. Initially British India was strongly against the absolute possession of the region but due to strategic compulsions they were forced to so. By the right of conquest these territorities were brought directly under the control of the British government and the region was redrawn as the political frontier upon India’s ‘Northeast’, away from its historical positioning at the cultural and ecological crossroads of South and Southeast Asia.
The whole of the present northeastern region was under Bengal province till 1874. Due to the British policy of expanding areas under their control and administrative rearrangements since the Revolt of 1857, the Assam province was created and governed by a Chief Commissioner who was subordinate to Lieutenant Governor of Bengal province. However due to change in subsequent administrative policies, a new arrangement was made where Assam province became a distinct unit directly administered by a Governor-General. Therefore, successive legal and administrative decisions taken between 1874 and 1935 gave Northeast India, a distinct region and identity. The region has been treated separately and distinctly from other parts of the region or province by British India through out their colonial rule. The Northeastern region has been a difficult frontier region ever since the British colonial period.
The initial British policy for the frontiers, as commented by a mainland Indian Scholar- S. K. Chaube, was the policy of ‘segregation’. However, anthropologists like Verrier Elwin and most of the British administrators were for the protection and seclusion of the hill tribes. Since their contact and subjugation the British administration takes steps to give hill people a paternal government which allowed them to exercise their own genius in the management of themselves, with just that amount of control from above. A series of acts and regulations were passed by the British to protect the peoples in the hill areas of the Northeastern region and most of these acts and regulations were followed by the independent Indian government. The legal enactments made for the rest of the country could not be automatically be enforced in these areas, except when they were specifically adopted for them. The administrative system developed for these areas were quite different from that in the rest of the country, and most administration was left by the British to the local tribal chiefs.
The Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation of 1873 was the first among them which allowed the colonial state to create an Inner Line along the Assam foothill tracts. This Inner Line, under the Government of British India, is defined merely for the purpose of jurisdiction. However, this regulation prohibit any subject living outside the area from living or moving therein on the pretext of protecting tribal minorities in the hill areas of Assam. It allowed the tribes beyond the tracts to manage their own affairs with only such interference on the part of the frontier officers in their political capacity as may be considered advisable with the view to establishing a personal influence for good among the chiefs and the tribes. This regulation was added to by the Scheduled Districts Act of 1874 and the Frontier Tract Regulation Act of 1880 which permitted the exclusion of the territories under their purview from the codes of civil and criminal procedures, the rules on property legislation and transfer and any other laws considered unsuitable for them.
With the same purpose, the Government of India (Excluded and Partially Excluded Areas) Order of 1935 was passed and declare the Naga Hills District, the Lushai Hills District, the North Cachar Subdivision of the Cachar District and the frontier tracts as excluded. The Garo Hills District, the Khasi and Jaintia Hills District (excluding Shillong) and the Mikir hill tracts of Nowgong and Sibsagar District as partially excluded areas. The Excluded Areas were under the direct jurisdiction of the British through the executive control of the Assam Governor and that no Act of the Federal Legislature or of Assam Legislature was to apply to these areas. The Partially Excluded Areas were under the control of the Assam Governor and subject to ministerial administration, but the Governor had an overriding power when it came to exercising his discretion. No act of Assam or Indian legislatures could apply to these two hill divisions unless the Governor in his discretion so directed. Therefore, the politics of mainstream political parties did not have any effect in these areas. According to Sharma the British rulers kept certain areas of the Northeast as ‘excluded’ from the rest of the country with two fold objectives: (i) to keep the area as a buffer region between India and the neighbouring countries; and (ii) to protect them from exploitation by the plainsmen.
Contrary to the mainland Indian perception of Northeast India as a culturally homogeneous region of mongoloid races, the region is diverse in almost every aspects; it is inhabited by a mosaic of societies characterised by diversity of ethnicity, language, culture, religion, social organisation, economic pursuits, productive relations and participation in political process. J.B Fuller wrote in 1909 that the province of Assam at the far northeastern corner of India is a ‘museum of nationalities’.
Academically, the Northeastern region is still regarded as part of Southeast Asia from the cultural point of view. Peter Kunstadter in his two volume work entitled Southeast Asian Tribes, Minorities and Nations included a chapter on Assam, which denotes the present day Northeast India. Kunstadter explain his inclusion of the region on the basis of the region’s large population of tribal and minority peoples whose languages are more closely related to the languages of Southeast Asia than to those of the Indian subcontinent and their cultures too resembling the cultures of their neighbours in Southeast Asia. Sir Robert Reid, Governor of Assam (1937-1942) also stated that ‘they (tribals of Northeast India) are not Indians in any sense of the word. Neither in origin nor in appearance, nor in habits, nor in outlook and it is by historical accident that they are tagged to Indian province.’ Therefore, the inclusion of the region into Indian Territory can be termed as a ‘series of historical accident’.
Most of the inhabitants consist of peoples who migrated from Southwest China or Southeast Asia via Burma at various point of history; they retain their cultural traditions and values but are beginning to adapt to contemporary lifestyles. One of the late migrants into the Northeastern region were the Kukis who are scattered all over the region in due course of time. The earlier Kuki migrants into the region were termed by the British scholars and administrators of Northeast India as ‘Old Kukis’ who migrated about a hundred years earlier than the later migrants, the ‘New Kukis’.
Even though there exist a great diversity, the people of the Northeastern region can be broadly divided into three distinct groups of people; the hill tribes, the plain tribes and the non-tribal population of the plains. Most of the hill tribes in Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura are Christian while a substantial proportion of those living in the plains of Assam, Manipur and Tripura are Hindus and Muslims. In spite of the modernisation and emergence of present day problems, the people still dearly cherish the essence of century’s old mutual ties and culture. The hill tribes can be grouped into four major groups: the Kuki-Chin-Mizos, Nagas, Khasi-Jintia-Garos and Arunachalis. The British rulers described these hill tribals of Northeast India as faithful and loyal subjects.
The Northeastern region of India has little or no contacts with the mainland India through out the annals of history. The different communities in the region maintain autonomy or independence not only from outside forces but also within themselves even though there was intimate relationship between the warring communities. The region was considered more as a part of Southeast Asia than the India subcontinent as the people interacted more with the people of this region and the culture and racial composition is more close to Southeast Asians. The British military success over Burma in 1826 and the annexation of the Ahom kingdom of Assam to the Presidency of Bengal marked the entry of the British East India Company to the region and the region’s inclusion into the Indian sub-continent. Initially British India was strongly against the absolute possession of the region but due to strategic compulsions they were forced to so. By the right of conquest these territorities were brought directly under the control of the British government and the region was redrawn as the political frontier upon India’s ‘Northeast’, away from its historical positioning at the cultural and ecological crossroads of South and Southeast Asia.
The whole of the present northeastern region was under Bengal province till 1874. Due to the British policy of expanding areas under their control and administrative rearrangements since the Revolt of 1857, the Assam province was created and governed by a Chief Commissioner who was subordinate to Lieutenant Governor of Bengal province. However due to change in subsequent administrative policies, a new arrangement was made where Assam province became a distinct unit directly administered by a Governor-General. Therefore, successive legal and administrative decisions taken between 1874 and 1935 gave Northeast India, a distinct region and identity. The region has been treated separately and distinctly from other parts of the region or province by British India through out their colonial rule. The Northeastern region has been a difficult frontier region ever since the British colonial period.
The initial British policy for the frontiers, as commented by a mainland Indian Scholar- S. K. Chaube, was the policy of ‘segregation’. However, anthropologists like Verrier Elwin and most of the British administrators were for the protection and seclusion of the hill tribes. Since their contact and subjugation the British administration takes steps to give hill people a paternal government which allowed them to exercise their own genius in the management of themselves, with just that amount of control from above. A series of acts and regulations were passed by the British to protect the peoples in the hill areas of the Northeastern region and most of these acts and regulations were followed by the independent Indian government. The legal enactments made for the rest of the country could not be automatically be enforced in these areas, except when they were specifically adopted for them. The administrative system developed for these areas were quite different from that in the rest of the country, and most administration was left by the British to the local tribal chiefs.
The Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation of 1873 was the first among them which allowed the colonial state to create an Inner Line along the Assam foothill tracts. This Inner Line, under the Government of British India, is defined merely for the purpose of jurisdiction. However, this regulation prohibit any subject living outside the area from living or moving therein on the pretext of protecting tribal minorities in the hill areas of Assam. It allowed the tribes beyond the tracts to manage their own affairs with only such interference on the part of the frontier officers in their political capacity as may be considered advisable with the view to establishing a personal influence for good among the chiefs and the tribes. This regulation was added to by the Scheduled Districts Act of 1874 and the Frontier Tract Regulation Act of 1880 which permitted the exclusion of the territories under their purview from the codes of civil and criminal procedures, the rules on property legislation and transfer and any other laws considered unsuitable for them.
With the same purpose, the Government of India (Excluded and Partially Excluded Areas) Order of 1935 was passed and declare the Naga Hills District, the Lushai Hills District, the North Cachar Subdivision of the Cachar District and the frontier tracts as excluded. The Garo Hills District, the Khasi and Jaintia Hills District (excluding Shillong) and the Mikir hill tracts of Nowgong and Sibsagar District as partially excluded areas. The Excluded Areas were under the direct jurisdiction of the British through the executive control of the Assam Governor and that no Act of the Federal Legislature or of Assam Legislature was to apply to these areas. The Partially Excluded Areas were under the control of the Assam Governor and subject to ministerial administration, but the Governor had an overriding power when it came to exercising his discretion. No act of Assam or Indian legislatures could apply to these two hill divisions unless the Governor in his discretion so directed. Therefore, the politics of mainstream political parties did not have any effect in these areas. According to Sharma the British rulers kept certain areas of the Northeast as ‘excluded’ from the rest of the country with two fold objectives: (i) to keep the area as a buffer region between India and the neighbouring countries; and (ii) to protect them from exploitation by the plainsmen.
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The British Northeast Frontier Policy and the Kukis-2
Among the hill tribes of the British Northeast frontier region the Kukis were one of the dominant community. They are, to use Mackenzie’s word, ‘a hardworking’, ‘self-reliant race’, and the only hillmen in their neighborhood who can hold their own against the other powerful hill tribes. The tribes Aimol, Anal, Chiru, Chongloi, Chothe, Doungel, Guite, Gangte, Hangsing, Haokip, Hmar, Kipgen, Kom, Lhungdim, Lamkang, Lunkim, Changsan, Lenthang, Thangeo, Kolhen, Lhangum, Lhanghal, Milhem, Maring, Mate, Mozo-Monshang, Paite, Sitlhou, Lhouvum, Singsit, Simte, Baite Tarao, Touthang, Vaphei, Zou, etc., may loosely be put under one egalitarian ethnic entity called Kukis. They have freedom and sovereignty in their land. Their territory stretch from the Chindwin River in the east, the Naga Hills in the north, North Cachar Hills in the west and the Chittagong hill tracts in the south. Till the beginning of the twentieth century these hills were not largely populated and the Kukis reigned supreme all over these hills and wandered about freely all over these lands.
The Kukis use bows and arrows instead of spears, ready at once to avenge an inroad, and therefore were much respected by the powerful Angami Nagas. The British, as early as the first half of the nineteenth century, recognize the strength of the Kukis and therefore proposals were frequently made in British India Government to utilize the Kukis as a buffer or screen between the timid British subjects like the Cacharis/Kacharis (Bodos, Dimasas, etc.), Mikirs (Karbis) and Aroong Nagas (Zaliengs) and the offensive Angamis. In 1856-57 lands were assigned rent-free for ten and afterwards for twenty five years to any Kukis who would settle in this designated buffer areas and fire arms and ammunitions to be given free by the British Government. Apart from the already settled Kukis in North Cachar, many Kukis from the south accepted free settlement on these terms and by 1860 the colony contained 1,356 inhabitants in seven villages. These colonists had risen to almost 2000 as more immigrants came from Manipur. With the settlement of substantial Kuki population in these buffer zones the British Government stopped supplying arms and the Angamis too stopped incursions in these areas. It was a great relief to the British Government and the weaker tribes like the Cacharis, Karbis and Zaliengs. In 1880 a Kuki militia, 100 strong was raised as a protection against Angami raids and under a British officer this militia was used for more effective control of the different tribes. But with the establishment of the Naga Hills District, the Kukis in these buffer areas were deprived of much of their political interests. The saddest part is that for the past two decades, most of the warring tribes whom the Kukis protected against repeated onslaughts and their possible extinction consider the Kukis as immigrants (even though they are also a migrant themselves) and butcher, instead of recognising their contributions to peace and tranquility in the past.
A Labour Corps was raised by British Government for France in 1916 among various clans of Nagas, Lushais and others, as Colonel L. W. Shakespear mentioned, ‘who willingly came in, having in many cases done this short of work for (British) Government before in border expeditions, and knew the work and good pay.’ In 1917 more Labour Corps were needed and to supply it the British Government felt that it was necessary to draw from other sources, viz the various Kuki clans inhabiting the hill regions of the native state of Manipur, the people who had never left their hills and knew little of British people and their ways. The strong optimism among higher authorities in British Government was turned down at the first attempts. In their repeated attempts to raise Labour Corps among the Kuki clans violence erupted and the world began to witness the Kuki War of Independence in December 1917. The Kukis adopted guerilla and jungle warfare techniques, where the war lasted for one and half year. The war could have still continued had not the British went rampaging the Kuki villages by destroying houses and paddy stocks, finding the weaknesses of a Kuki man who has a great love and responsibility to his family. The Kuki chiefs and warriors fearing an impending outbreak of famine surrendered to the British and this marked the end of the war. Many of the Kuki chiefs and warriors in Burma were imprisoned in Taungkyi Jail while those in the British India, in Sadiya Jail in Assam. The Bravery of the Kukis made Shakespear to comment that the Kuki Rebellion was ‘the largest series of military operations conducted on this side (Northeastern Region) of India.’ An Indian linguist, M.S. Thirumalai, also made an observation that: ‘The 1917 Thadou Rebellion or the Kuki Rebellion against the Britishers is a special and significant event in the history of the Indian freedom movement.’
During the 1930s, British India separated Burma from India and therefore divided the Kukis into two halves. The Partition of British India in 1947 and subsequent political events brought the cutting and restriction of old routes of mobility in the Northeastern region, as well as major demographic mobility shifts: together these two forces give Northeast India the shape and location we see today. Further, there are popular movements after 1947 which attempts to close off and regulate national borders more rigorously than ever before with a goal to defend national territory against foreign threats and to secure national territory against internal disruption that might be fed by forces across the border. All these forces worked against the interests of the freedom loving Kukis, who were segregated into parts (India, Burma and Bangladesh), weakened and restrained their freedom of movement in their own ancestral lands.
The British policy against the Kukis in particular and the Northeast Frontier people in general can be termed as a policy of segregation, exploitation and divide and rule. All these policies were responsible for the indifferent attitude and resentment to the gospel. They have left a number of communities in the region being alienated in their own land, with untold miseries and tears unnoticed. The Britishers were also responsible for the integration of this region into India and putting away from its historical position as the cultural and ecological crossroads of South and Southeast Asia, and making them almost engulfed in this vast Aryan world, neither their voice heard nor their miseries understood.
References:
1. Peter Kunstadter. (ed.). Southeast Asian Tribes, Minorities and Nations. Vol. 1, N.J. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967.
2. David Ludden. Where is Assam? Using Geographical History to Locate Current Social Realities. CENISEAS Papers 1, Guwahati, India: Centre for Northeast India, South and Southeast Asia Studies, 2003.
3. S. K. Chaube. Hill Politics in Northeast India. Patna: Orient Longman, 1999.
4. S.K. Sharma and Usha Sharma (eds.). Discovery of North-East India, Vol. 1. New Delhi: Mittal, 2005.
5. Colonel L. W. Shakespear. History of the Assam Rifles. Calcutta: Firma KLM Pvt. Ltd., 1977.
6. Alexander Mackenzie. History of the Government with the Hill Tribes of the North-East Frontier of Bengal. Calcutta, 1884.
Published at Ahsijolneng Annual Issue 2006
The Kukis use bows and arrows instead of spears, ready at once to avenge an inroad, and therefore were much respected by the powerful Angami Nagas. The British, as early as the first half of the nineteenth century, recognize the strength of the Kukis and therefore proposals were frequently made in British India Government to utilize the Kukis as a buffer or screen between the timid British subjects like the Cacharis/Kacharis (Bodos, Dimasas, etc.), Mikirs (Karbis) and Aroong Nagas (Zaliengs) and the offensive Angamis. In 1856-57 lands were assigned rent-free for ten and afterwards for twenty five years to any Kukis who would settle in this designated buffer areas and fire arms and ammunitions to be given free by the British Government. Apart from the already settled Kukis in North Cachar, many Kukis from the south accepted free settlement on these terms and by 1860 the colony contained 1,356 inhabitants in seven villages. These colonists had risen to almost 2000 as more immigrants came from Manipur. With the settlement of substantial Kuki population in these buffer zones the British Government stopped supplying arms and the Angamis too stopped incursions in these areas. It was a great relief to the British Government and the weaker tribes like the Cacharis, Karbis and Zaliengs. In 1880 a Kuki militia, 100 strong was raised as a protection against Angami raids and under a British officer this militia was used for more effective control of the different tribes. But with the establishment of the Naga Hills District, the Kukis in these buffer areas were deprived of much of their political interests. The saddest part is that for the past two decades, most of the warring tribes whom the Kukis protected against repeated onslaughts and their possible extinction consider the Kukis as immigrants (even though they are also a migrant themselves) and butcher, instead of recognising their contributions to peace and tranquility in the past.
A Labour Corps was raised by British Government for France in 1916 among various clans of Nagas, Lushais and others, as Colonel L. W. Shakespear mentioned, ‘who willingly came in, having in many cases done this short of work for (British) Government before in border expeditions, and knew the work and good pay.’ In 1917 more Labour Corps were needed and to supply it the British Government felt that it was necessary to draw from other sources, viz the various Kuki clans inhabiting the hill regions of the native state of Manipur, the people who had never left their hills and knew little of British people and their ways. The strong optimism among higher authorities in British Government was turned down at the first attempts. In their repeated attempts to raise Labour Corps among the Kuki clans violence erupted and the world began to witness the Kuki War of Independence in December 1917. The Kukis adopted guerilla and jungle warfare techniques, where the war lasted for one and half year. The war could have still continued had not the British went rampaging the Kuki villages by destroying houses and paddy stocks, finding the weaknesses of a Kuki man who has a great love and responsibility to his family. The Kuki chiefs and warriors fearing an impending outbreak of famine surrendered to the British and this marked the end of the war. Many of the Kuki chiefs and warriors in Burma were imprisoned in Taungkyi Jail while those in the British India, in Sadiya Jail in Assam. The Bravery of the Kukis made Shakespear to comment that the Kuki Rebellion was ‘the largest series of military operations conducted on this side (Northeastern Region) of India.’ An Indian linguist, M.S. Thirumalai, also made an observation that: ‘The 1917 Thadou Rebellion or the Kuki Rebellion against the Britishers is a special and significant event in the history of the Indian freedom movement.’
During the 1930s, British India separated Burma from India and therefore divided the Kukis into two halves. The Partition of British India in 1947 and subsequent political events brought the cutting and restriction of old routes of mobility in the Northeastern region, as well as major demographic mobility shifts: together these two forces give Northeast India the shape and location we see today. Further, there are popular movements after 1947 which attempts to close off and regulate national borders more rigorously than ever before with a goal to defend national territory against foreign threats and to secure national territory against internal disruption that might be fed by forces across the border. All these forces worked against the interests of the freedom loving Kukis, who were segregated into parts (India, Burma and Bangladesh), weakened and restrained their freedom of movement in their own ancestral lands.
The British policy against the Kukis in particular and the Northeast Frontier people in general can be termed as a policy of segregation, exploitation and divide and rule. All these policies were responsible for the indifferent attitude and resentment to the gospel. They have left a number of communities in the region being alienated in their own land, with untold miseries and tears unnoticed. The Britishers were also responsible for the integration of this region into India and putting away from its historical position as the cultural and ecological crossroads of South and Southeast Asia, and making them almost engulfed in this vast Aryan world, neither their voice heard nor their miseries understood.
References:
1. Peter Kunstadter. (ed.). Southeast Asian Tribes, Minorities and Nations. Vol. 1, N.J. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967.
2. David Ludden. Where is Assam? Using Geographical History to Locate Current Social Realities. CENISEAS Papers 1, Guwahati, India: Centre for Northeast India, South and Southeast Asia Studies, 2003.
3. S. K. Chaube. Hill Politics in Northeast India. Patna: Orient Longman, 1999.
4. S.K. Sharma and Usha Sharma (eds.). Discovery of North-East India, Vol. 1. New Delhi: Mittal, 2005.
5. Colonel L. W. Shakespear. History of the Assam Rifles. Calcutta: Firma KLM Pvt. Ltd., 1977.
6. Alexander Mackenzie. History of the Government with the Hill Tribes of the North-East Frontier of Bengal. Calcutta, 1884.
Published at Ahsijolneng Annual Issue 2006
0
The Kuki Churches Unification Movements
The coming of Christianity among the Kukis is now almost a hundred years, and today the Kuki church is flourishing and has a Christian population of approximately 95 percent of the population. The coming of Christianity brought to them not only a life of spiritual salvation but also an end to the old ways of living; their outlook to life and lifestyle was transformed.
Christianity was brought among the Kukis by two main Christian missions, the Baptist and the Presbyterian. In the Naga and Mikir hills, Baptist missions came in and the churches were known as Kuki Baptist churches. Similarly, in Tripura and Burma, Christianity among the Kukis was brought in by the Baptist missions. In a North Cachar hills and Lushai hills, Presbyterian missions first set in their foot and the churches in the Kuki areas were known as Ngalsong Presbytery.
William Pettigrew was the first foreign missionary ever to have landed on the soil of Manipur on the 6th Frbruary1894, sponsored by the American Baptist Mission Union. He, together with Dr. Crozier, worked together in the North and the Northeast of Manipur. In the south, Watkins Robert of the Welsh Presbytery mission organized the Indo-Burma Thadou-Kuki Pioneer Mission in 1913. To have a broader scope, the mission’s name was changed to North East India General Mission (NEIGM). Later, under the division of NEIGM, according to languages, the people who still prefer Kuki were grouped under Kuki Christian Association. In the 1996 Annual assembly of the KCA at Tuibuong, its name was rechristened as Evangelical Churches Association (ECA).
In the Northeast of Manipur, North East Kuki Baptist Association, Manipur (NEKBAM) exists. Kuki Baptist Association was established in 1950 at South Changoubung, which comprises of Kuki Baptist churches in other areas. Imn March 1958 KBA and NEKBAM combined together and formed the Kuki Baptist Convention at the Tujangvaichong conference with T.Lumkim as its first Executive Secretary. Unfortunately many leaders who formed this convention later left to join other organization.
In March 1959, seven delegates representing all the Kuki inhabited areas of Manipur met at Kaithelmanbi military village to search the reason of disintegration of the Kuki Christians and to prevent further disintegration before unification. Resolution No.1of the conference underscores the need felt by the delegates to form a Christian literature organization of the commonly spoken language.
In May 15-16, 1959, two delegates each from all denominations met at Molnom village to discuss the matter further. At the Molnom conference federal organization of the Kuki Christian called “Kuki National Christian Council” was formed comprising the then existing Kuki Christian Denomination organizations. The council comprised of three-committees: K.N.C.C Literature Committee, Inter-denominational Committee and Church Union Planning Committee. T.Lunkim was elected as the President Khupjapao Singson as Secretary of the Council.
The delegates met again in August 1959, at Molvom village in the Naga Hills where the council’s mane was changed to “Kukis Christian Council”. T.Lunkim and Rev. Seikholet Singson were given the charge of drafting the Constitution. At this juncture the Welsh and American missionaries, while hearing about the proposed unification of churches, said that if such a Christian association is to emerge they have no work to do and must leave the mission works. So, due to the sympathy of the American and Welsh missionaries the proposed unification movements was postponed indefinitely.
Nevertheless, the leaders of the unification movements revived the works again in the late 1970’s. All church leaders were invited for a conference at Nomjang. At the 16th Conference of K.C.C at Nomjang, North Cachar Hills, Assam in April 1977 a resolution (No.11) was passed underlining the need to transform the ‘Council’ in to a ‘Church’. However, the churches at this time had been fully established and all doctrines have been inculcated at all denominations. The conference was not attended by all important denominational leaders. So, even though the conference was attended by most leaders, the denominational divide was strong enough that upholding ones own doctrines and leaderships over-ride the move for unification. On April 8th 1979 in the18th K.C.C conference at Chalwa, the Federal Organisation was transformed in to a church and some groups stated taking Kuki Christian Council a disappeared. As a result of deep misunderstanding between the Kuki Christian leaders the people in different denominations even developed the felling of themselves as being a different nationality.
After several years of misunderstanding among the Kuki Christian leaders came the Kuki Naga conflict, in which many lives villages and lands of the Kukis were lost. In such period of suffering and turmoil the Kuki Christian leaders thought about reconciliation, keep aside their differences and formed the Kuki Christian Leaders Fellowship (KCLF), which is not church level but a forum for the leaders. This was successful not only in reconciliation and working together of the church leaders but was also successful in inducing more love and closeness among the people.
The consciousness of the need for church unification slowly redeveloped among the church leaders. The nationalists more precisely, the extremists, felt the need for church unification for national, social and political reconstruction and therefore, there was plan for the unification of the churches under their initiative. When this plan was underway, the senior church leaders pleaded to the nationalists to transfer the unification work to them and the nationalists did so. Thenceforth, the church unification work was handled by the church leaders (KCLF).
Regarding the unification of churches, a number of seminars were held and there developed a difference in opinion regarding the structure which would eventually become an organic structure. This issue was put up in the assembly of different denominations and most denominations favoured a federal structure except KBC which favoured an organic structure. The KBC Assembly in 2001 again discussed the matter and agreed for a federal structure.
KCLF agreed that after the unification of churches, the unified organization would be called, “United Church of India”. The aims and objects of KCLF are:
1. Unity of churches according to 1.Gods will, (John 17:11)
2. To make God out nations Lord, (Psalm 33:12) and
3. Nations exercise of strength in unity and in Gods will.
After some years of the inception of the KCLF, especially when the national crisis abated and ended, the associational/organizational leasers meetings were mostly regarded as KBC and ECA. While other looked from a distance, KCC, which dedicatedly and tirelessly worked for the establishment of KCLF, and Chongthu Baptist Association, withdrew from the Leaders Fellowship. And others moved further away and eventually disappeared from the scene. Now, when the workings of the KCLF is observed, it is more like a group of individual activity depending passively upon the donation of some individuals rather than being and associational/organizational level activity.
Among the Kukis there are many types of segregation, but church/religious segregation is much deeper and higher than all others, and this deep religious division is brought about by church/ religious leaders. Rev. Seikholet in his “Good Friday” message in KWS (S) said that the Kukis are segregated into fragments because we do not worship God but the “Church”. It is high time for the religious, social and political leaders especially the most senior leaders to examine themselves. “As people of an older generation and in a position of leadership, if the people cannot follow them and if there is no progress for the nation under their leadership, and because they are still alive and their leadership cannot end, there is a suspicions that God do not use them anymore or has left them.”
In his message in KWS(S), December 2002, Rev Hawlngam said that for unification we must give away our individual preferences, humble ourselves and pray more. Rev. M. Haokhothang said that, “We always have a plan for unification, but it is difficult” he is of the view that we should not hope for unification by creating one more organisation. Only when the people becomes conscious about the need for unification then shall we achieve unity.
We are like Ichabod, which means no glory or the glory of God has departed form Israel, for the ark of Gods has been captured (1Sammuel 4:21-22).The lost of the ark did not mean that God had abandoned his people but did signal estrangement in the relation between God and his people and it demonstrated the error in the thinking that, in spite of their wickedness they had the power to coerce God into doing their will simply because they possessed the ark. We should not think that being a Christian we have the power to coerce God in doing our will. We must realize that the glory of God departs form us because of our wickedness, like the Israelites.
We talk and plan big things, but when it comes to implementation it is diluted. We do not receive what we asked, and what we plan are not successful because we (especially the leaders) ask for and plan with wrong motives, that we may spend in our own pleasures (James4.3). We have faced so many political, social, ethnic, and religious crises in the past decades of the 20th century and we have tried to solve with out own strength and intelligence, but we failed,, So brothers and sisters, let us seek God, draw near to God and he will draw near to us (James 5:8) and make God our nations Lord (Ps. 33:12) in the 21st century.
Published at Ahsijolneng Annual Issue, 2003
Christianity was brought among the Kukis by two main Christian missions, the Baptist and the Presbyterian. In the Naga and Mikir hills, Baptist missions came in and the churches were known as Kuki Baptist churches. Similarly, in Tripura and Burma, Christianity among the Kukis was brought in by the Baptist missions. In a North Cachar hills and Lushai hills, Presbyterian missions first set in their foot and the churches in the Kuki areas were known as Ngalsong Presbytery.
William Pettigrew was the first foreign missionary ever to have landed on the soil of Manipur on the 6th Frbruary1894, sponsored by the American Baptist Mission Union. He, together with Dr. Crozier, worked together in the North and the Northeast of Manipur. In the south, Watkins Robert of the Welsh Presbytery mission organized the Indo-Burma Thadou-Kuki Pioneer Mission in 1913. To have a broader scope, the mission’s name was changed to North East India General Mission (NEIGM). Later, under the division of NEIGM, according to languages, the people who still prefer Kuki were grouped under Kuki Christian Association. In the 1996 Annual assembly of the KCA at Tuibuong, its name was rechristened as Evangelical Churches Association (ECA).
In the Northeast of Manipur, North East Kuki Baptist Association, Manipur (NEKBAM) exists. Kuki Baptist Association was established in 1950 at South Changoubung, which comprises of Kuki Baptist churches in other areas. Imn March 1958 KBA and NEKBAM combined together and formed the Kuki Baptist Convention at the Tujangvaichong conference with T.Lumkim as its first Executive Secretary. Unfortunately many leaders who formed this convention later left to join other organization.
In March 1959, seven delegates representing all the Kuki inhabited areas of Manipur met at Kaithelmanbi military village to search the reason of disintegration of the Kuki Christians and to prevent further disintegration before unification. Resolution No.1of the conference underscores the need felt by the delegates to form a Christian literature organization of the commonly spoken language.
In May 15-16, 1959, two delegates each from all denominations met at Molnom village to discuss the matter further. At the Molnom conference federal organization of the Kuki Christian called “Kuki National Christian Council” was formed comprising the then existing Kuki Christian Denomination organizations. The council comprised of three-committees: K.N.C.C Literature Committee, Inter-denominational Committee and Church Union Planning Committee. T.Lunkim was elected as the President Khupjapao Singson as Secretary of the Council.
The delegates met again in August 1959, at Molvom village in the Naga Hills where the council’s mane was changed to “Kukis Christian Council”. T.Lunkim and Rev. Seikholet Singson were given the charge of drafting the Constitution. At this juncture the Welsh and American missionaries, while hearing about the proposed unification of churches, said that if such a Christian association is to emerge they have no work to do and must leave the mission works. So, due to the sympathy of the American and Welsh missionaries the proposed unification movements was postponed indefinitely.
Nevertheless, the leaders of the unification movements revived the works again in the late 1970’s. All church leaders were invited for a conference at Nomjang. At the 16th Conference of K.C.C at Nomjang, North Cachar Hills, Assam in April 1977 a resolution (No.11) was passed underlining the need to transform the ‘Council’ in to a ‘Church’. However, the churches at this time had been fully established and all doctrines have been inculcated at all denominations. The conference was not attended by all important denominational leaders. So, even though the conference was attended by most leaders, the denominational divide was strong enough that upholding ones own doctrines and leaderships over-ride the move for unification. On April 8th 1979 in the18th K.C.C conference at Chalwa, the Federal Organisation was transformed in to a church and some groups stated taking Kuki Christian Council a disappeared. As a result of deep misunderstanding between the Kuki Christian leaders the people in different denominations even developed the felling of themselves as being a different nationality.
After several years of misunderstanding among the Kuki Christian leaders came the Kuki Naga conflict, in which many lives villages and lands of the Kukis were lost. In such period of suffering and turmoil the Kuki Christian leaders thought about reconciliation, keep aside their differences and formed the Kuki Christian Leaders Fellowship (KCLF), which is not church level but a forum for the leaders. This was successful not only in reconciliation and working together of the church leaders but was also successful in inducing more love and closeness among the people.
The consciousness of the need for church unification slowly redeveloped among the church leaders. The nationalists more precisely, the extremists, felt the need for church unification for national, social and political reconstruction and therefore, there was plan for the unification of the churches under their initiative. When this plan was underway, the senior church leaders pleaded to the nationalists to transfer the unification work to them and the nationalists did so. Thenceforth, the church unification work was handled by the church leaders (KCLF).
Regarding the unification of churches, a number of seminars were held and there developed a difference in opinion regarding the structure which would eventually become an organic structure. This issue was put up in the assembly of different denominations and most denominations favoured a federal structure except KBC which favoured an organic structure. The KBC Assembly in 2001 again discussed the matter and agreed for a federal structure.
KCLF agreed that after the unification of churches, the unified organization would be called, “United Church of India”. The aims and objects of KCLF are:
1. Unity of churches according to 1.Gods will, (John 17:11)
2. To make God out nations Lord, (Psalm 33:12) and
3. Nations exercise of strength in unity and in Gods will.
After some years of the inception of the KCLF, especially when the national crisis abated and ended, the associational/organizational leasers meetings were mostly regarded as KBC and ECA. While other looked from a distance, KCC, which dedicatedly and tirelessly worked for the establishment of KCLF, and Chongthu Baptist Association, withdrew from the Leaders Fellowship. And others moved further away and eventually disappeared from the scene. Now, when the workings of the KCLF is observed, it is more like a group of individual activity depending passively upon the donation of some individuals rather than being and associational/organizational level activity.
Among the Kukis there are many types of segregation, but church/religious segregation is much deeper and higher than all others, and this deep religious division is brought about by church/ religious leaders. Rev. Seikholet in his “Good Friday” message in KWS (S) said that the Kukis are segregated into fragments because we do not worship God but the “Church”. It is high time for the religious, social and political leaders especially the most senior leaders to examine themselves. “As people of an older generation and in a position of leadership, if the people cannot follow them and if there is no progress for the nation under their leadership, and because they are still alive and their leadership cannot end, there is a suspicions that God do not use them anymore or has left them.”
In his message in KWS(S), December 2002, Rev Hawlngam said that for unification we must give away our individual preferences, humble ourselves and pray more. Rev. M. Haokhothang said that, “We always have a plan for unification, but it is difficult” he is of the view that we should not hope for unification by creating one more organisation. Only when the people becomes conscious about the need for unification then shall we achieve unity.
We are like Ichabod, which means no glory or the glory of God has departed form Israel, for the ark of Gods has been captured (1Sammuel 4:21-22).The lost of the ark did not mean that God had abandoned his people but did signal estrangement in the relation between God and his people and it demonstrated the error in the thinking that, in spite of their wickedness they had the power to coerce God into doing their will simply because they possessed the ark. We should not think that being a Christian we have the power to coerce God in doing our will. We must realize that the glory of God departs form us because of our wickedness, like the Israelites.
We talk and plan big things, but when it comes to implementation it is diluted. We do not receive what we asked, and what we plan are not successful because we (especially the leaders) ask for and plan with wrong motives, that we may spend in our own pleasures (James4.3). We have faced so many political, social, ethnic, and religious crises in the past decades of the 20th century and we have tried to solve with out own strength and intelligence, but we failed,, So brothers and sisters, let us seek God, draw near to God and he will draw near to us (James 5:8) and make God our nations Lord (Ps. 33:12) in the 21st century.
Published at Ahsijolneng Annual Issue, 2003
0
The Missing Link(s)
A year had passed since a two day seminar on Manmasi Identity (Kuki-Chin-Mizo) in Northeast India was held from 15th to 17th October, 2004 at Bethany Home, Shillong. In that seminar Dr.Khuplam, Dr.Seilen and Father Peter Tongmang presented papers related to the aforesaid topic. They vividly narrate and explain the concept of Kuki nationalism and some of the mythical tales, phrases and words that reflect the unique socio-cultural, lingual and religious practices of the Kukis which was appreciated by all. With all enthusiasm, the participants listened and interacted. Nevertheless, there was a mixed reaction among the participants when it comes to tracing of the origin of the Kukis beyond khul.
In academic works, public and private interactions we are unanimous about the root/origin of the Kuki-Chin-Mizos to khul or chhinlung. But we scarcely talk about, trace or hypothesize the origin of the Kukis beyond khul. Dr. Khuplam must be well appreciated of his pioneering works in this field. Taking some of the commonly used words, phrases and practices (e.g. kelkot, Manmasi chate kahing hing naove, etc.) as a basis, Dr. Khuplam link the Kuki-Chin-Mizos as one of the lost tribe of Israel, i.e. Manmasi. According to him after Alexander defeated Israelis, the Manmasi tribe (Kuki-Chin-Mizos), who were made outcaste by forcibly making them eat pork, move towards northeast of Israel and finally to China and thereby linking the Kuki-Chin-Mizos history.
After a cursory glance of the basis of Dr. Khuplam’s hypothesis, history and migratory routes a couple questions keep my mind ticking. One of them, and of course the most important, is the missing link. The missing link literally refers to a hypothetical extinct creature halfway in the evolutionary line between modern human beings and apes. Likewise, I find a link that is missing between us (the Kuki-Chin-Mizos) and the Israelis. The fact is that how a Caucasoid Manmasis become a mongoloid Kuki-Chin-Mizos (the lost Manmasis). This is a serious question which needs to be answered by this school of thought (Manmasi School). As a scholar/a school of thought, he/they must be able to prove the authenticity of his/their argument or hypothesis based on reason.
The Israelites faced so many invasions, witness their land devastated and being taken as captive. They indeed scattered around the world, in which most of them move toward Europe and America. Despite their separation from their homeland and irrespective of time span they do not forget or give up their customs and religion. To justify this, an example can be given to the American Jews, who have a strong lobby in present American politics, do still remain as a Jew. But when it comes to the supposed Manmasi tribe in Northeast India they have lost almost everything, only made known about the land, people and culture of the Israelites after Christianization.
After having seen the pros and cons of the Manmasism, I would like to point out to a field which is more rational and which I take interest. This is the similarities in race, culture and religious practices of some of the ethnic communities in Northeast India with the people of Southeast Asia. Some of them indeed have Southeast Asian roots. One such ethnic community is the Tai-Ahoms in Assam’s Kamrup District. The Tai-Ahoms or Ahoms are an offshoot of the Tai people who are called Shan in Myanmar, Thai in Thailand, Lao in Laos, Dai and Zhuang in China and Tay-Thai in Vietnam.
The Ahoms are not the only people of Northeast India with a Southeast Asian connection. The Khasis of Meghalaya had pioneered rice farming in Vietnam’s Red River delta before losing out to the Vietnamese. They then moved up the Red River across Myanmar into Yunnan before crossing into India. In religious practices too, Balinese Hinduism and art forms of the Manipuri’s is closer to Southeast Asia than to those of the Hindi heartland. In Southeast Asia, there is a growing awareness of Northeast India. Many northeast Indian cultural figures too are drawn eastwards. For instance there is keen interest in Thailand in the culture of the Tai Ahoms of Assam. Similarly, Tai-Ahom intellectuals in Assam are focusing on the cultures of their ethnic cousins in Southeast Asia. Indeed, the Government of India is recognizing these connections and is using it as a soft power resource in its Look East policy to develop and link Northeast India with East Asia.
There are several migratory routes through which several communities in Northeast India reached their present land. One such is the routes of Ancient Khasi Migration, which began in the Red River Basin of Vietnam and extended across Yunnan and Burma to the Gangetic basin as far west as Bihar.
I would like to put forward a question that, can we link pre-Khul migratory routes and history to Southeast Asia? Like some of the communities in Northeast India, we can also look towards Southeast Asia as our root. Basing the racial, socio-cultural and linguistic similarity between the Kuki-Chin-Mizos and Southeast Asians is more acceptable reason to trace our root than a racially and linguistically different Israelis.
Published at Ahsijolneng October 30th 2005, Publication
In academic works, public and private interactions we are unanimous about the root/origin of the Kuki-Chin-Mizos to khul or chhinlung. But we scarcely talk about, trace or hypothesize the origin of the Kukis beyond khul. Dr. Khuplam must be well appreciated of his pioneering works in this field. Taking some of the commonly used words, phrases and practices (e.g. kelkot, Manmasi chate kahing hing naove, etc.) as a basis, Dr. Khuplam link the Kuki-Chin-Mizos as one of the lost tribe of Israel, i.e. Manmasi. According to him after Alexander defeated Israelis, the Manmasi tribe (Kuki-Chin-Mizos), who were made outcaste by forcibly making them eat pork, move towards northeast of Israel and finally to China and thereby linking the Kuki-Chin-Mizos history.
After a cursory glance of the basis of Dr. Khuplam’s hypothesis, history and migratory routes a couple questions keep my mind ticking. One of them, and of course the most important, is the missing link. The missing link literally refers to a hypothetical extinct creature halfway in the evolutionary line between modern human beings and apes. Likewise, I find a link that is missing between us (the Kuki-Chin-Mizos) and the Israelis. The fact is that how a Caucasoid Manmasis become a mongoloid Kuki-Chin-Mizos (the lost Manmasis). This is a serious question which needs to be answered by this school of thought (Manmasi School). As a scholar/a school of thought, he/they must be able to prove the authenticity of his/their argument or hypothesis based on reason.
The Israelites faced so many invasions, witness their land devastated and being taken as captive. They indeed scattered around the world, in which most of them move toward Europe and America. Despite their separation from their homeland and irrespective of time span they do not forget or give up their customs and religion. To justify this, an example can be given to the American Jews, who have a strong lobby in present American politics, do still remain as a Jew. But when it comes to the supposed Manmasi tribe in Northeast India they have lost almost everything, only made known about the land, people and culture of the Israelites after Christianization.
After having seen the pros and cons of the Manmasism, I would like to point out to a field which is more rational and which I take interest. This is the similarities in race, culture and religious practices of some of the ethnic communities in Northeast India with the people of Southeast Asia. Some of them indeed have Southeast Asian roots. One such ethnic community is the Tai-Ahoms in Assam’s Kamrup District. The Tai-Ahoms or Ahoms are an offshoot of the Tai people who are called Shan in Myanmar, Thai in Thailand, Lao in Laos, Dai and Zhuang in China and Tay-Thai in Vietnam.
The Ahoms are not the only people of Northeast India with a Southeast Asian connection. The Khasis of Meghalaya had pioneered rice farming in Vietnam’s Red River delta before losing out to the Vietnamese. They then moved up the Red River across Myanmar into Yunnan before crossing into India. In religious practices too, Balinese Hinduism and art forms of the Manipuri’s is closer to Southeast Asia than to those of the Hindi heartland. In Southeast Asia, there is a growing awareness of Northeast India. Many northeast Indian cultural figures too are drawn eastwards. For instance there is keen interest in Thailand in the culture of the Tai Ahoms of Assam. Similarly, Tai-Ahom intellectuals in Assam are focusing on the cultures of their ethnic cousins in Southeast Asia. Indeed, the Government of India is recognizing these connections and is using it as a soft power resource in its Look East policy to develop and link Northeast India with East Asia.
There are several migratory routes through which several communities in Northeast India reached their present land. One such is the routes of Ancient Khasi Migration, which began in the Red River Basin of Vietnam and extended across Yunnan and Burma to the Gangetic basin as far west as Bihar.
I would like to put forward a question that, can we link pre-Khul migratory routes and history to Southeast Asia? Like some of the communities in Northeast India, we can also look towards Southeast Asia as our root. Basing the racial, socio-cultural and linguistic similarity between the Kuki-Chin-Mizos and Southeast Asians is more acceptable reason to trace our root than a racially and linguistically different Israelis.
Published at Ahsijolneng October 30th 2005, Publication
